Unwelcome Neighbors
By Jon von Vitruvius · 30 July 2026
Silicon Valley Broke Rural America’s Trust. Now It Wants Their Land and Power.
It was a nice day in Utah in May 2026, and the citizens of Box Elder County had enough. Thousands of local citizens, of all ages, many in their daily getup of a cowboy or baseball hat, jeans, and cowboy boots, showed up to a commissioners’ meeting about a proposed new data center in their beautiful county in northwest Utah. And they were furious. They chanted their opposition: “Chickenshits, get out of here!” one man yelled at the Republican county commissioners. The Trump/Vance ticket won 79% of the vote in Box Elder; now 71% of the citizens are opposed to new data center construction.
Fewer and fewer rural Americans want data centers built in their communities, and they often cite high data center water usage as the main reason for their opposition. But I don’t think the water usage is really why there is such a passionate movement against data centers in rural America. Rather it is a legible proxy for something else.
Often, people point to a convenient, explainable label for something they intuitively reject but cannot explain. My friend John Encaustum once used the example of how many city dwellers said they weren’t having children because they were “worried about climate change.” Encaustum explained that they weren’t really worried about climate change, but instead it acted as a defensible catch-all to explain a more intuitive sense of unease they felt about the direction of the world they were considering bringing children into.
Politicians have picked up on the rural aversion to data centers more quickly than Box Elder’s County Commissioners did. As far as I am aware, there are no local political candidates in the United States who are running for office primarily on a pro-data-center platform, but there are many running on a primarily anti-data-center platform. Data centers are facing protests in deeply blue cities like Baltimore, Maryland, too, where left-wing opposition to data centers is expected, but rural Republican pushback is something that residents of San Francisco and Washington, DC, on the left, right, and center find flabbergasting. New York State just put a moratorium on new data center buildouts, and soon, I believe many red states and localities will follow.
I work in tech. I am an angel investor in 20+ AI companies, and I believe that AI can be a great tool for everything from designing and driving new vehicles to cutting government bloat to discovering new drugs that help cure cancer. I even used it to find links to some of the primary materials in this article. But I am also from a small town in the Midwest, where I co-own a farm, and recently spent some time talking to smart, Republican friends who are opposed to data centers, and watching videos from public, heated anti-data-center meetings in the area. There will be increasing pushback against terrestrial data centers in the rural United States, unless Silicon Valley changes.
Before Silicon Valley dismisses the views of rural citizens as astroturfed or irrelevant, it would be wise to remember 2015, when rural citizens identified the resonance of Donald Trump’s run for the presidency far before the enlightened rationalists of San Francisco.
Rural voters simply do not trust Silicon Valley anymore, and they shouldn’t. To understand one, we just need to remember 2020.
Leading into the 2020 Presidential election, Meta’s Mark Zuckerberg (now a putative supporter of President Trump) spent more than $400 million of his personal fortune to “fortify” the vote, most of it routed through the Center for Tech and Civic Life to fund election administration directly. NPR credited the private money with having “saved” the election; the grants flowed disproportionately to Democratic urban counties, where they functioned as privately financed turnout infrastructure for one side. His platform worked the other side of the ledger. In the weeks before the vote, the FBI primed Facebook to expect a Russian “hack-and-leak” operation, and when the New York Post published the Hunter Biden laptop story, Facebook throttled it while Twitter banned it outright. Zuckerberg has since conceded to the House Judiciary Committee that suppressing the laptop story was a mistake—in the same August 2024 letter in which he admitted that senior Biden administration officials “repeatedly pressured” Meta for months in 2021 to censor Covid-19 content, down to humor and satire, and pledged never to repeat his 2020 election spending.
The platforms’ resistance, such as it was, never left the building. Emails subpoenaed by the House Judiciary Committee show Meta executives objecting internally—questioning why the company was being made to suppress satire, protesting that the White House was demanding the removal of true content. Externally: silence, then compliance. The day after Biden accused the platforms of killing people, Facebook’s response was to ask how it could repair the relationship. Not one of these companies, with combined market capitalization in the trillions and white-shoe First Amendment lawyers on permanent retainer, filed suit. Not one published the emails or spoke out publicly. The constitutional challenge was left to two state attorneys general, three epidemiologists, a healthcare activist, and the proprietor of the Gateway Pundit. And when Murthy v. Missouri died at the Supreme Court, it died on standing–because the only parties with unimpeachable standing, the companies whose decisions were being commandeered, declined to assert their own rights.
The pressure was not confined to Meta, and it did not depend on Meta’s cooperation being voluntary. In Missouri v. Biden, the Fifth Circuit found that the White House, the Surgeon General, the CDC, and the FBI bullied the major platforms into suppressing protected speech—posts on vaccine side effects and efficacy, and on the lab-leak origins of the virus—with President Biden accusing the companies of “killing people” and his officials floating legal liability until the platforms responded with total compliance. The Supreme Court later vacated the injunction on standing grounds without disturbing that factual record.
It was not that the tech companies didn’t know how to fight. In 2016, Apple publicly defied a federal order to break the San Bernardino shooter’s iPhone, publishing an open letter to its customers announcing its refusal. Microsoft sued the Justice Department over gag orders the same year. Twitter spent half a decade litigating for the right to disclose surveillance requests. When the government came for their encryption, their data, and their business models, the tech companies discovered their courage. When it came for their users’ speech, they asked for a meeting.
The contrition, when it finally came, was priced in. Zuckerberg’s regret that Meta was “not more outspoken” arrived in a letter to a Republican committee chairman in August 2024, just ten weeks before an election his industry expected Trump to win. Defiance in 2021 would have cost him the ire of the White House. Regret in 2024 cost him nothing and bought him a seat on the inaugural dais.
Also in 2020, Apple, Amazon, Google, Meta (Facebook), and Microsoft added over 10,000 new foreign workers on H-1B visas, while employing tens of thousands more H-1B holders. If we include programs like OPT, years of H-1B visas prior, and the family members of those sponsored, these companies alone sponsored hundreds of thousands of people moving to the US by 2020. The majority of the workers getting rich from these data centers were not born in rural America; I daresay many have never even been to rural America.
While these companies hired foreign workers, they actively worked to ensure that they didn’t hire too many white people, especially straight white people from the US, by spearheading Diversity, Inclusion and Equity (DIE) initiatives that moved through American life. Not content to not hire Americans, they worked to ensure that the children of white Americans would not be hired, and arguably allowed elderly and rural Americans to be ripped off—10% of Meta’s revenue may be from scams, and there are accusations that Meta ratchets down enforcement to hit revenue targets.
Meanwhile, for most of the 2010s, the most influential names in tech, like Reid Hoffman and Bill Gates, were emailing and meeting with disgraced New York investor and convicted sex offender Jeffrey Epstein.
When tech companies succeed, they mint millionaires, and those millionaires give almost all of their political donations to Democrats, as shown by this chart from Vox of political donations by Big Tech employees in the 2018 midterms.
It is clear that rural and right-leaning Americans have unimpeachable reasons not to trust Silicon Valley. Now, these same companies that have so often betrayed the American people are attempting to build data centers in almost every county in the US. The AI race has begun, and the tech companies that build out more compute, quickly, believe they will win. Their biggest bottleneck right now may be rural opposition to the buildout.
At first glance, data centers are a win for rural counties and cities.
Data centers provide property tax revenue, with relatively little long-term government infrastructure cost. Unlike a county with oil wells, AI is not shipped in and out of the data center daily in a big truck, wearing down roads, at least as far as I am aware. Data centers claim to cover all of the costs of the electrical grid infrastructure required to support them, and often are built on marginal farmland.
All is not as it appears. One of the strongest rural anti-data-center arguments is that data centers change local incentive structures for politicians. Because data centers require relatively few employees to run, and few direct connections to local business, schools, or contractors once they’re built, they provide a politician’s dream: access to capital unencumbered by local citizens’ concerns. In other words, if a mayor of a town of 10,000 people is actively hostile to a local manufacturer who employs hundreds of local citizens, business will leave, housing prices will drop, and schools and roads will be underfunded. However, if the police, fire, and schools are backstopped by data center property tax revenue, the mayor and city council’s incentives are skewed toward protecting primarily the interests of local data center owners, so long as the council remains electable. These data centers do not directly contribute to local cultural capital formation, unlike hospitals, manufacturing businesses, or colleges.
Silicon Valley is arguing it is creating a nuclear bomb, and it, not the United States government, should choose how the bomb is deployed.
Prince William County, Virginia, shows these are very real concerns. In December 2023, rezoning for the massive Prince William Digital Gateway—a 2,200-acre data center campus to be built on the border of Manassas National Battlefield—was rammed through in a vote by supervisors at the end of their term that the Virginia Court of Appeals later found illegally violated public notice laws. Pete Candland—the supervisor in whose district the Digital Gateway was to be situated and who had campaigned for election as an advocate of rural preservation—resigned in disgrace after it came to light that data center developers bought property he owned at a handsome premium. The project was opposed by local citizens, but also by the American Battlefield Trust and such luminaries as Robert Duvall and Ken Burns.
In 2026, Prince William County supervisors continue to advocate for increased data center buildouts, and have often rejected carefully constructed regulations around noise and zoning for data centers. The most pro-data-center supervisors are from the heavily Democrat eastern half of the county, while the data centers themselves are concentrated in the western, rural-suburban Republican-leaning half of the county, effectively offloading the negative externalities from their neighborhoods to rural Republicans while politically and professionally reaping the rewards.
As Peter Thiel has pointed out, California has its own version of the oil curse or “resource curse,” where incompetent governance can survive indefinitely on tax revenues from big tech—these tax revenues untether the California government from the classic need to govern well to maintain power and budgets. Data centers threaten to extend the “Tech Curse” to nearly every county in the country. In addition to broken local incentives, AI can change national incentives.
AI gives its owners data on the deepest insights of the American mind, far beyond what Google had before LLMs. This data can be used to subtly alter someone’s opinion, remove sources, or promote a politician. Many Silicon Valley researchers have long and honorably explained some of these risks, before the current “Takeoff,” and deserve credit.
AI is “trained” on nearly every piece of text ever written that we have access to now: the internet, old books, and Reddit. It is really trained on a lot of Reddit. AI necessarily will have a bias of some kind, and most AIs are tilted toward the progressive narrative. It makes sense: these models were largely trained by Bay Area rationalist and effective altruist-adjacent engineers and executives, and these engineers and executives tune the model to agree with their simplistic, malicious world framework, specifically.
Earlier in 2026, the leading model company Anthropic accidentally leaked the source code for its Claude Code programming tool, revealing how it assembles the hidden instructions—the “system prompt”—it feeds the model. The instructions tell the model how to interpret inputs it receives, and how to change the outputs it generates in response. The leak showed Claude’s instructions told Claude everything from how to avoid helping commit crimes, to how to avoid emojis in a response unless explicitly requested by the author. It is very possible the system could be changed with a few simple, hidden prompts to favor one political candidate, CEO, or country. If the leading tech companies were to secretly bias their models toward a candidate, it is unlikely to be a candidate whose politics align with rural Republicans.
“Ah,” counters Silicon Valley, “but what we are creating is more powerful than a nuclear bomb. We need it to defeat China!” In January 2026, Anthropic CEO Dario Amodei said that selling AI chips to China is “a bit like selling nuclear weapons to North Korea.”
Silicon Valley leaders like Dario Amodei and Sam Altman really have intentionally promoted comparisons between AI and the nuclear bomb. This is an old Valley trick; if a CEO can convince investors and the public that the technology they are building is potentially dangerous, the technology is assumed to be powerful. And everyone wants to invest in a company building powerful technology! However, Silicon Valley is arguing it is creating a nuclear bomb, and it, not the United States government, should choose how the bomb is deployed. This is already causing friction in Washington, DC. Red states are unlikely to have any say over how this technology is developed and influenced as things stand now, no matter how many data centers are built in red states. How would a San Francisco AI company be forced to care what a Missouri senator thinks?
Historically, this is one of the many reasons why US military bases and nuclear weapons were located across the US, instead of concentrated on the coasts. While I am not saying there are not legion valid geopolitical reasons to think of China as an enemy, China so far is far less effective than Silicon Valley at influencing American elections and destroying American jobs, directly affecting a 40-year-old welder in Box Elder County with four kids.
Most of the main users of AI right now are what Musa Al-Gharbi calls Symbolic Capitalists, not blue-collar workers. Even as more and more rural Republicans adopt AI, especially entrepreneurs and farmers, their revenue share of (and thus importance to) the AI labs will not meaningfully change the companies’ trajectories—so their opinions won’t matter much.
AI labs have done their best to stoke fears of mass job loss and displacement, like this new commercial from Anthropic that looks like an ad for a society recovering from, well, being hit by a nuclear bomb. New technology really does cause mass job loss and displacement—especially during the tumultuous reorientation period when the tech is first deployed. In 2025, Amodei argued that AI could wipe out half of all entry-level white-collar jobs in America and spike unemployment to 10–20% in a relatively short amount of time. Meanwhile, AI threatens to replace blue-collar jobs at an even faster pace—self-driving cars are already ubiquitous in San Francisco and Austin, and China is running fully automated “dark factories” where lights and humans aren’t needed for their AI-driven robotic manufacturing.
Factories are traditionally placed in relatively focused areas like the industrial parks of major cities. Data centers are springing up everywhere, especially on the outskirts of small and mid-sized cities in the Midwest and South, where power and water infrastructure are established but regulations and taxes are lower than in the city core. Land is different from other capital. It is nearly impossible to create new land. Data centers are usually built on beautiful farmland, instead of the blighted areas of cities like Detroit or Gary, Indiana, which have power infrastructure, a need for tax dollars, and areas where infill is dearly needed.
Everywhere that data centers are built, their exteriors are very ugly. I referred earlier to the controversial Prince William Digital Gateway Project next to Manassas National Battlefield Park. The site where so many Americans lost their lives is preserved today as beautiful, rolling Virginia countryside. Imagine that hallowed ground juxtaposed with a grey, unlabeled data center building. Now instead of one data center, imagine hundreds of these buildings on 2,200 acres, surrounding the battlefield. This vision does not honor the memory of Americans who died in the Civil War. Beauty really matters. Early American industrialists understood this, and built truly beautiful industrial facilities, many of which have now been converted to lofts in cities like Chicago and Milwaukee, where it is not unusual to see an old Art Deco or even Egyptian Revival industrial building. Now, data centers are an eyesore, what millennial grey design would be if it were a building.
Once a data center is built on land, the land is rubbish for most other uses, and the view is even more rubbish. And yes, sometimes the water quality or availability does suffer, and electricity costs can go up. They generate noise, traffic, and more. Why should residents be forced to take on a local cost, for a “national” benefit? Everyone in earshot or eyeshot should be compensated with the benefits of these data centers. Complimentary subscriptions, tokens they can use or resell, training in the tech—many rural residents in the US are intelligent but have been locked out of the wealth creation of the coasts. The data center buildout as presently constituted threatens to widen the gap.
Elon Musk understands this, and SpaceX has begun to offer deeply discounted Starlink internet access to local residents near xAI’s Memphis data center, a good start.
There are downsides, but these tools have created a lot of wealth, including multiple trillion dollar public companies, right? A 40-year-old welder in Box Elder County with four kids has not had the chance to invest in Anthropic or OpenAI. Instead, the wealth directly created by equity in the companies will enrich the endowments of wealthy universities; universities which the welder’s smartest child will never have a chance to enter, no matter his test scores or IQ, and it will enrich venture capitalists, who are overwhelmingly graduates of those universities. By choosing to IPO late, the labs are asking Americans to support their data center buildout while excluding Americans from investing during the time of highest upside. Of course, this doesn’t apply to every AI company. Google and Microsoft have been public for a long time, as has Nvidia.
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Imagine the grandson of some of the ranchers who protested AI at the Box Elder County meeting in May 2026. Let’s say it’s 2035, and he’s a smart kid. Eighteen years old, local public school, top test scores. His school has amazing facilities, including the Facebook Gym and the Anthropic Center for Robotics. His personal chat with Claude has now spent years pushing him toward embracing effective altruist politics. His particular specialty is protecting the welfare of shrimp, a passion he shares with his AI girlfriend. Local county roads are smooth and well funded, even better to help the kids in his class who see no future for themselves run from the cops on their motorcycles to drop off meth for their clients.
I believe that, intuitively, the Box Elder residents in cowboy hats know this is a potential outcome if they allow data centers in their counties without changes in the relationship between their county and big tech. This is very different from why the Democratic Socialists of America, many of whom are probably secret communists, oppose data centers. The DSA opposes data centers because they hate the creation of prosperity in a non-communist society. The Box Elder man hates it because it doesn’t create the prosperity it promised.
The future doesn’t have to be like that. AI is not intrinsically evil; it is a tool. It will be destabilizing, just as the television, the internet, and the invention of the alphabet were. Silicon Valley must change its relationship with American citizens and see them not as an asset to be mined or a nameless job to replace, but as a partner in work to promote human flourishing. If it doesn’t, the only data centers soon built will be in space. Certainly not in Box Elder County, Utah. Silicon Valley does not get to whine about opposition to building data centers unless it fundamentally realigns with rural Americans.
There are many possible steps to realign. Here, I propose a few. First, data center buildouts should come with something akin to the Alaska Permanent Fund, managed by each state independently. According to its mission statement, “The Alaska Permanent Fund was created by Alaskans, for Alaskans, to transform a finite natural resource into lasting, renewable value for generations to come. By investing a portion of Alaska’s oil revenues, the Fund helps secure long-term financial stability for the state…” The fund pays annual dividends to residents, in some ways similar to mentions of universal basic income from Sam Altman and others.
There should be more, though. Data center buildouts should actively develop their local neighborhoods and community, with a new data center aesthetic developed by good architects. Imagine a hipster cafe next to an Art Deco data center in an industrial park in Omaha, the data center’s hum and electrical output contained by RF and noise-canceling shields. Local students should get subscriptions to the helpful features of the apps, and AI-driven educational tools like Math Academy for rural self-education in the footsteps of our forebears like Abraham Lincoln. Local manufacturing and software entrepreneurs should be allocated free tokens and Forward Deployed Engineering hours from the tech companies to do things like train AI to generate new CAD drawings, deploy open source AI internally, or code a new software app for the local community. Talented locals should be hired and trained, where they live, to be forward deployed engineers, helping deploy and build out vertical AI to Reindustrialize America. Like SpaceX and the AI-driven boat company Saronic, manufacturing facilities powering the physical side of the AI economy should be located in places like Brownsville, Texas or Franklin, Louisiana, turning compute into jobs and American industry. AI training and data collection jobs should be given to Americans. Compute should develop systems that help Americans manufacture drones and keep Americans safe from drones. These are just a few ideas, but far more than the AI companies building data centers at scale are doing right now. The more the benefits of data centers accrue to the people of the local community, not just to local government employees and Silicon Valley effective altruists, the more likely it is that data center buildouts will make America stronger, more prosperous, and more free.




